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Was the Vietnam War a just war.

In general, the institutionalist approach is favoured by indirectconsequentialists and contractualists. Indirect consequentialistsbelieve these institutions are justified just in case they will infact have better long-run results than any feasible alternativeinstitutions (see Mavrodes 1975; Dill and Shue 2012; Shue 2013;Waldron 2016). Contractualists believe these institutions ground orreflect either an actual or a hypothetical contract among statesand/or their citizens, which specifies the terms of their interactionin war (see Benbaji 2008, 2011, 2014; Statman 2014).

They frame the war aims as ‘just’ to achieve support of the public and the international community.

“On Wars of Liberation,” prepared by the Council of the War Resisters’ International at its meeting in Vienna, August 12-17, 1968, A J. Muste Memorial Institute Essay Series (pamphlet), pp. 7-8.

There are seven criteria by which a war can be judged to be just.

At the heart of the "just war" tradition is right intent.

Select any two essay items from the list below.
1. Explain the Just War Theory and discuss the Jus Ad Bellum part of the theory. Is this theory based on consequentialist or nonconsequentialist moral reasoning?

For the sake of concision this entry discusses only contemporary analyticalphilosophers working on war. Readers are directed to the excellent workof philosophers and intellectual historians such as Greg Reichberg,Pablo Kalmanovitz, Daniel Schwartz, and Rory Cox to gain furtherinsights about historical just war theory (see, in particular, Cox2016; Kalmanovitz 2016; Reichberg 2016; Schwartz 2016).

Just War Theory | Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy

The conversion of Constantine and the resultant Christiancharacter of the latter Empire laid the groundwork for the Catholic conceptof

One response is to reject this comparative account of howresponsibility determines liability, and argue for a non-comparativeapproach, according to which one’s degree of responsibility mustbe great enough to warrant such a severe derogation from one’sfundamental rights. But if we do this, we must surely concede thatmany combatants on the unjust side are not sufficiently responsiblefor unjustified threats to be liable to be killed. Whether throughfear, disgust, principle or ineptitude, many combatants are whollyineffective in war, and contribute little or nothing to threats posedby their side. The much-cited research of S. L. A. Marshall claimedthat only 15–25 per cent of Allied soldiers in the Second WorldWar who could have fired their weapons did so (Marshall 1978). Mostsoldiers have a natural aversion to killing, which even intensivepsychological training may not overcome (Grossman 1995). Manycontribute no more to unjustified threats than do noncombatants. Theyalso lack the “mens rea” that might makeliability appropriate in the absence of a significant causalcontribution. They are not often blameworthy. The loss of their rightto life is not a fitting response to their conduct.

McMahan (2011a) has sought to avert this troubling implication of hisarguments by contending that almost all noncombatants on the unjustside (unjust noncombatants) are less responsible than all unjustcombatants. But this involves applying a double standard, talking upthe responsibility of combatants, while talking down that ofnoncombatants, and mistakes a central element in his account ofliability to be killed. On his view, a person is liable to be killedin self- or other-defence in virtue of being, of those able to bear anunavoidable and indivisible harm, the one who is most responsible forthis situation coming about (McMahan 2002, 2005b). Even ifnoncombatants are only minimally responsible for theirstates’ unjust wars—that is, they are not blameworthy,they merely voluntarily acted in a way that foreseeably contributed tothis result—on McMahan’s view this is enough to make themliable to be killed, if doing so is necessary to save the lives ofwholly innocent combatants and noncombatants on the just side (seeespecially McMahan 2009: 225).

When the knight acted virtuously--that is, with restraintand in the pursuit of justice--war itself was virtuous.
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Guerrillas manufactured homemade bombs and mines from unexploded American ordinance. They set up punji traps and camouflaged land-mines for GIs to step on while on patrol. To trick American ground sensors, which were prone to false alarm and inaccurate placement, they used decoys such as sending herds of cattle to simulate troop movement. NLF officers placed their radio huts at a distance from command posts, resulting in air strikes “blast[ing] a patch of jungle just because a transmitter had been heard there,” according to an NSA study. Tanks and other heavy equipment as well as rice supplies were shipped through an alternative route from the heavily bombed Ho Chi Minh trail, Cambodia’s Port of Sihanoukville. Some of the most dedicated revolutionary fighters were women, following the example of the Trung sisters and Lady Trieu who had fought previous foreign invaders. Nguyen Thi Dinh led rebellions in Ben Tre province, while Ngo Thi Tuyen carried 95 kilograms of ammunition (twice her body weight) down the Ho Chi Minh Trail.

Just War Theory Essay Examples - New York essay

Following raids in Dai Lai village in the rural Thai Binh province (southeast of Hanoi) in October 1967, French journalist Gerard Chaliand witnessed men and women weeping as they swept debris from the floors of destroyed homes and recounted how their neighbors had been burned alive by the fires. Bui Van Nguu, age forty-six, told Chaliand that he had been outdoors making brooms for the cooperative when a bomb exploded in his kitchen, burying his three children. The only thing left of them was mangled limbs, shreds of flesh, and the ear of his eldest daughter which was found in a garden seven yards away. Rescue teams in the village dug out many other children who had been buried alive, burned to shreds, or asphyxiated in the bombing massacre that was one of many in the war. A woman who had lost her parents and six siblings in the bombing of Phy Le told visiting peace activist David Dellinger to “ask your president Johnson if our straw huts were made of steel and concrete” (as LBJ claimed) and to ask him if “our Catholic church that was destroyed was a military target….Tell him that we will continue our life and struggle no matter what future bombings there will be because we know that without independence and freedom, nothing is worthwhile.”

Effective Papers: Just War Theory Essay

The United States Air Force dropped in Indochina, from 1964 to August 15, 1973, a total of 6,162,000 tons of bombs and other ordnance. U.S. Navy and Marine Corps aircraft expended another 1,500,000 tons in Southeast Asia. This tonnage far exceeded that expended in World War II – 1,613,000 tons in the European Theater and 537,000 tons in the Pacific Theater.

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