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Affirmative action proponents generally point to four justifications.

The persistence of this strategy of defense reflects a residualfeeling that the fruits of affirmative action are somehow spoiled if they arenot deserved (Harris 2003). Nevertheless, it is the wrong strategy for defendingreal world affirmative action. The programs legitimated under theCivil Rights Act, in both their nonpreferential and preferentialforms, had—and have—a clear aim: to change institutions sothat they can meet the nondiscrimination mandate of the Act. Selectionby race or gender was—and is—a means to such change. Tothe extent that such selection also compensates individuals for pastwrongs or puts people in places they really deserve, these areincidental by-products of a process aimed at something else.

The affects affirmative action has on the society of the United States will be analyzed.

Affirmative action is in many ways an outgrowth of the Civil Rights Movements. In particular, Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination in any areas of employment that was based on race, color, creed, or sex. The year after the passage of the Civil Rights Act, President Lyndon Johnson signed Executive Order 11246, which prohibited discrimination against minorities by federal contractors. While American presidents had routinely been issuing similar Executive Orders for some time, EO 11246 was different in two important ways. First, it included sex rather than merely race as a protected category. Second, it established an enforcement mechanism, the Office of Federal Contract Compliance (OFCC). While not a powerful entity, the OFCC was an important step in institutionalizing affirmative action. Affirmative action received a further boost with the passage of the 1972 Equal Employment Opportunity Act (EEOA). The EEOA required federal agencies to adopt affirmative action. By 2000, this legislation covered about 3.5 million federal employees (Harper & Reskin 2005).

That is the reason Affirmative Action was birthed by Lyndon B.

Finally the reactions of beneficiaries of affirmative action will be discussed....

in Reynolds 26)

If the people which affirmative action was made for are against most of it's

principles--and the white male loses jobs because of it--why is the majority so

supportive of this plan?

One of the most powerful arguments for affirmative action is based upon claims

from minorities who believe that they deserve a certain amount of compensation

because of the past discrimination which they have received. Diana Axelson,

chairperson of the Department of Philosophy of Spelman College, states this in

her essay, "Affirmative Action Compensates for Past Discrimination", by claiming,

"The first form of compensation which seems appropriate is compensations...for

injuries they themselves have received as a result of individualized or

institutionalized racism and sexism" (33). In my opinion, the blame of past

wrongs should not be put upon the employer, nor should something which happened

in the past be a factor in hiring practices.

Do these laws compare to affirmative action?

This paper will focus on the relevance of affirmative action in the American society....

Whether applied to employment or to education, affirmative action has been a politically sensitive issue. Much of the contention has been grounded in differing understandings and interpretations of affirmative action. While most participants in the affirmative action debate agree on the social benefits of racially and culturally diverse workforces and student bodies, they differ sharply on how to achieve this. Opponents of affirmative action often emphasize the apparent contradictions between group-based remedies and the American commitment to individualism and meritocracy. Many maintain that affirmative action unfairly stigmatizes members of protected categories, who can never be certain that their success was due to their individual merit. Advocates discuss the benefits of more exclusive hiring and admissions criteria and the need in a fair society to provide reparations for indisputable histories of disadvantage.

There is no single model of affirmative action. Affirmative action efforts may be either public or private. Definitions of protected groups range from very restricted to very broad. Enforcement mechanisms may be quite rigorous or virtually non-existent.

Have they been reaping the benefits of affirmation action.
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Free affirmative action Essays and Papers

Many people say that if America concentrated on programs that provided assistance to the most needy then they would have the opportunities that affirmative action is trying to provide.

Free affirmative action papers, essays, and research papers.

The fall 2012 Global Affirmative conference will examine affirmative action and its counterparts around the world. This conference will be the first of a historic Memorandum of Understanding between the Center and the University of Malaya. Scholars from the US , Malaysia, Ecuador, Colombia, and Fiji--among other key settings of affirmative action--will address the diverse experiences and effects of these policies. (Michaeline Crichlow, Chair).

Pro Affirmative Action Essay - 2147 Words

The definition of affirmative action is as follows: Affirmative action means taking positive steps to recruit, hire, train, and promote individuals from groups that have traditionally been discriminated against on the basis of race, sex, disability, or other characteristics....

Affirmative Action Essay | Affirmative Action | …

Thomas Jefferson's statement begs more than a few questions, one of which is: "How can we ensure equality to everyone?" Beginning in the late 1960s, the federal government provided an answer to this question in the form of affirmative action.

Affirmative Action essay, term papers, research paper

This conference will bring together scholars and activists working in this area. It is our hope that this conference will excite new thinking on the ethical and political delemmas of human trafficking in all its historical variations and contexts. The conference will address questions regarding the ways in which human trafficking is related to a liberal political economy and the extent to which it implicates broader struggles and forces immanent in fields of globalization, development and migration. In particular, we wish to place serious attention on the bodily politics of trafficking and its links to strategies of domination and resistance, law and disorder, and practices of flight and shelter. We are further interested in probing more deeply the connections between human trafficking and contemporary global politics of race and place and in addressing trafficking as a phenomenon multiply ordered by a variety of economic and social fields, vistas, or dreamscapes of slavery and "freedom."

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